World wars. Two major international conflicts that punctuated 20th-century history and entailed unprecedented destruction and sociopolitical upheaval. Dozens of countries participated in each of the world wars, but the principal belligerents were as follows: in the First World War (1914–18), the Entente (Great Britain, France, Russian Empire), which was joined by the United States of America in 1917, and the Central Powers (Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey, Bulgaria); in the Second World War (1939–45), the Allies (England, France; joined by the USSR and the United States in 1941) and the Axis (Germany, Italy, Japan). Both wars profoundly affected Ukraine.

First World War. Among the primary causes of the First World War was the rivalry between the Habsburg monarchy and the Russian Empire, which between them ruled all Ukrainian lands. Although the main source of Austro-Russian rivalry was a conflict of interests in the Balkans, there was also tension over the Ukrainian question. Russian adherents of Pan-Slavism had long anticipated the ‘reunification’ of Habsburg-controlled Galicia and Transcarpathia with Russia, and the imperial authorities had subsidized the activities of Russophiles there for many years. In the decade preceding the outbreak of war saw an intensification of Russian activity in Galicia, Bukovyna, Transcarpathia, and among Ukrainian emigrants in North America.

In December 1912, by which time the outbreak of a European war seemed to be only a matter of time, representatives of the three major Ukrainian political parties in Galicia—National Democratic party, Ukrainian Radical party, and Ukrainian Social Democratic party—met in Lviv and unanimously agreed that in the event of war the Ukrainian people would support Austria against Ukraine's greatest enemy, the Russian Empire. The same sentiments were expressed by an emigrant from Russian-ruled Ukraine, Dmytro Dontsov, at a student congress in Lviv in 1913. When war finally broke out in the east in August 1914, the three representative Galician parties formed the Supreme Ukrainian Council, which pledged its loyalty to the Central Powers and expressed the hope that all of Ukraine would be delivered from Russian rule in the course of the war. Within weeks the council established the Ukrainian Sich Riflemen, a volunteer unit in the Austro-Hungarian army. Political émigrés from central Ukraine formed the pro-Austrian Union for the Liberation of Ukraine (SVU) in Lviv in August.

Ukrainian activists in the Russian Empire feared that the outbreak of war would provide the tsarist authorities with a pretext for the complete suppression of the Ukrainian movement. They therefore hastened to present themselves as loyal to the empire and its war effort. Symon Petliura wrote a declaration of loyalty, which was published in the journal Ukrainskaia zhizn’. Another prominent Ukrainian periodical, the daily Rada (-NL-->Kyiv), also published a declaration of loyalty. The pre-eminent spokesman of the Ukrainian movement in the Russian Empire, the historian Mykhailo Hrushevsky, was in Lviv (in the Habsburg monarchy) when war erupted; he left for Kyiv and there distanced himself publicly from the anti-Russian activities of the SVU. In spite of those protestations of loyalty a wave of repression engulfed the Ukrainian movement. The authorities closed down most Ukrainian periodicals, including Rada, arrested Hrushevsky, and deported him to the interior of Russia.

In August and September 1914 a Russian offensive resulted in the occupation of much of Galicia, including its capital, Lviv, as well as all of Bukovyna. Many prominent Ukrainians fled to Vienna, and the Supreme Ukrainian Council (expanded in May 1915 and renamed the General Ukrainian Council) and other Ukrainian organizations and periodicals transferred their activities to the Austrian capital as well. Retreating before the rapid and powerful Russian advance, the Austro-Hungarian military authorities proceeded to blame their defeat on the alleged treason of the Ukrainian population, which purportedly sympathized with the Russians. Thousands, perhaps tens of thousands, of Ukrainians, many of whom were actually not Russophiles, were brutally repressed; many were shunted off to concentration camps in Austria, including the notorious Thalerhof, and many others were summarily executed. (A few thousand Ukrainians in Canada were also placed in internment camps, but because of purported sympathies with the Austrians.)

The Russian occupation of Galicia and Bukovyna was characterized by a pogrom against the Ukrainian movement, complete with mass arrests and deportations, the closing down of newspapers, and the burning of Ukrainian books; among those arrested was the Greek Catholic metropolitan Andrei Sheptytsky, who spent most of the rest of the war in a monastery prison in Russia. The Russian occupation authorities, particularly Bishop Evlogii Georgievsky, persecuted the Greek Catholic church and attempted to convert Galician Ukrainians to Russian Orthodoxy. The Russian administration was aided in all its anti-Ukrainian efforts by the Carpatho-Russian Liberation Committee, a group of Galician Russophiles based in Kyiv that returned to Lviv with the conquering Russian army. In large measure the harshness of the occupational regime had its roots in ideology: the Russians regarded Galicia not as a foreign territory but as a natural part of their realm (denied to them for centuries because of Polish influence). Furthermore, in Austrian-ruled Galicia and Bukovyna the Ukrainian movement had developed relatively freely, and exerted considerable influence on Russian-ruled Ukraine, where the members of the Ukrainian movement were persecuted. The imperial authorities wished to stifle the Ukrainian movement there in order to destroy the source of what they considered pernicious ‘Mazepist’ thinking.

The Russians were driven from most of Austrian-ruled Ukraine in the first half of 1915, but returned to Bukovyna and the easternmost part of Galicia a year later. The second Russian occupation was somewhat milder, but its essential anti-Ukrainian character remained unaltered until the overthrow of tsarism in March 1917. Shortly thereafter the Russian Provisional Government appointed the Ukrainian historian and activist Dmytro Doroshenko as its commissioner for Galicia and Bukovyna. An Austrian administration returned to the region in the summer of 1917.

The Central Powers maintained a more positive relationship with the Ukrainian movement after 1914, although they were far from willing to satisfy Ukrainian aspirations. At first Vienna and then Berlin financed the SVU, which published many informative brochures on the Ukrainian question and also conducted educational work among Ukrainians from the Russian Empire held in Austrian and German prisoner of war camps, in an effort to develop their national consciousness. To increase support for the war effort the Austrian central government held out the prospect of concessions to all of Austria's nationalities. It proved impossible, however, to reconcile conflicting national claims, notably those of the Ukrainians and Poles. In late 1915 and early 1916 Prime Minister K. von Stürgkh of Austria promised the General Ukrainian Council that Ukrainian-inhabited eastern Galicia would become a separate province (crown land) from Polish western Galicia; that territorial division had been a demand of the Galician Ukrainian movement since 1848. The promise was superseded, however, in November 1916, when Emperor Francis Joseph I promised the Poles that the unity of the province would be preserved, and that it would in fact be granted greater autonomy from Vienna—a long-standing political goal of the Polish national movement. In protest the General Ukrainian Council dissolved itself. In its place appeared a Ukrainian Parliamentary Representation, which initially adopted a cooler attitude to Austria than its predecessor had had.

The war had a corrosive effect on the stability of almost all the belligerent states, but it caused the greatest disintegration in the Russian Empire. Largely owing to revolutionary unrest generated by the war (see February Revolution of 1917), Tsar Nicholas II abdicated in March 1917. In the wake of this democratic revolution the Central Rada emerged in Kyiv as the focus of Ukrainian political activity. The Central Rada took steps to create Ukrainian armed forces, including the Khmelnytsky Regiment, which fought on the world-war front in the fall of 1917. Beginning in May 1917 the Rada also convened a series of All-Ukrainian military congresses, which passed resolutions essentially supporting the Provisional Government's continuation of the war against the Central Powers. Only small groups on the extreme left of Ukrainian political life (Lev Yurkevych in exile in Switzerland and the International Revolutionary Social Democratic Youth in Galicia) held a position of principled opposition to what they considered an imperialist war.

Continuing the war proved to be a grave error on the part of the Russian Provisional Government; just as the war had contributed to the collapse of tsarism, so too it was a major factor in the victory of the October Revolution of 1917, which swept the Russian Provisional Government from power and brought the Bolsheviks to the helm of the Russian state. As a result of the revolution hostilities were halted on the Russian and Ukrainian fronts. Also as a result the Central Rada called into being the Ukrainian National Republic (UNR) in November 1917. In December the UNR found itself at war with Soviet Russia (see Ukrainian-Soviet War, 1917–21). In January 1918 it declared its full independence from Russia, and in February it concluded separately the Peace Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with the Central Powers. By that agreement the UNR officially withdrew from the First World War.

In the wake of the Peace Treaty of Brest-Litovsk the German army helped the UNR forces (see Army of the Ukrainian National Republic) to reconquer Ukraine. Germany hoped to pressure Soviet Russia to make peace so that it could concentrate its forces on the western front; more important, Germany wanted large quantities of food from Ukraine in order to maintain its increasingly restive population for the duration of the war. To facilitate the extraction of foodstuffs, the Germans deposed the Central Rada in April 1918 and replaced it with the authoritarian regime of Hetman Pavlo Skoropadsky. German backing kept Skoropadsky in power, but his position was seriously undermined by the defeat of Germany on the western front in November 1918. Almost immediately the Directory of the Ukrainian National Republic launched an uprising against the hetman, and in December he was deposed.

The defeat of the Central Powers also resulted in the collapse of the Habsburg monarchy and the establishment of the Western Ukrainian National Republic in November 1918.

Because the front moved back and forth across Ukrainian territory, the war brought much physical destruction to Ukraine and crippled its economy for years to come. Much of the damage occurred in Galicia and Bukovyna, which constituted the southern reaches of the Austro-Hungarian eastern front for a long period of time. The political upheaval initiated by the war and the diffusion of weapons as a result of the disintegration of the armies unleashed chaos and civil war.

The peace that followed the First World War was precarious, and undermining it was dissatisfaction with the peace settlement on the part of a number of the nationalities of East Central Europe. Among them were the Ukrainians, who now found themselves divided among the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Poland, Romania, and Czechoslovakia. The incorporation of Ukrainian territories that had formerly been under Austria-Hungary into the latter three countries was sanctioned by the Paris Peace Conference and the Conference of Ambassadors.

Second World War. (Map: The Second World War in Ukraine.) The prelude to the outbreak of the Second World War was Adolf Hitler's dismemberment of Czechoslovakia, initiated by the Munich Agreement of September 1938. The Ukrainian-inhabited province of Czechoslovakia, Subcarpathian Ruthenia (known also as Carpatho-Ukraine), became autonomous in October 1938. In November large parts of Carpatho-Ukraine were ceded to Hungary on the basis of the Vienna Arbitration. Though truncated, Carpatho-Ukraine was still regarded by Ukrainians in Poland as a potential Piedmont, the nucleus of a future Ukrainian state. Joseph Stalin assessed the situation in the same way and let it be known that his attitude to Hitler's Germany would depend in part on the evolution of events in Carpatho-Ukraine. In March 1939, when Hitler did away completely with the Czechoslovak state, he awarded Carpatho-Ukraine to Hungary, which occupied the area and repressed its Ukrainian movement. Thereafter, representatives of Stalin and Hitler began exploratory talks that culminated in the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact of 1939.

A secret codicil of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact provided for the division of Eastern Europe between Germany and the Soviet Union. The first step in the division, and also the start of the Second World War, was the German invasion of Poland on 1 September 1939, following which Great Britain and France declared war on Germany. Soon thereafter, on 17 September, the Soviet Union occupied Galicia, western Volhynia, and Polisia, areas that had been under Polish rule since the end of the First World War. In November those territories were incorporated into the Ukrainian SSR. Many Ukrainian political activists fled Soviet rule, and Cracow, in the German sector of former Poland, became an important center of Ukrainian émigré life. There the Ukrainian Central Committee was formally established in the spring of 1940. In June 1940 the Soviets incorporated northern Bukovyna and northern and southern Bessarabia, formerly held by Romania, into the Ukrainian SSR.

Nazi-Soviet collaboration ended with the German invasion of the Soviet Union on 22 June 1941. The Germans took Lviv in June, Kyiv in September, and Kharkiv in October. Ukrainian Galicia was incorporated as a separate administrative district into the Generalgouvernement (the name that the Germans gave to the bulk of the territory of the former Polish state). Northern Bukovyna and Bessarabia were reincorporated by Germany's ally Romania. Romania also occupied Transnistria, the territory between the Dniester River and the Boh River, including the port of Odesa. Most of the rest of Ukraine became the Reichskommissariat Ukraine, except for the easternmost parts of Ukraine, which were under direct military occupation, and the Crimea, which was under a separate jurisdiction.

The Second World War in general was characterized by unheard-of violence outside the fields of battle. The violence was particularly brutal in Ukraine. When the Soviets withdrew from Western Ukrainian territory in June 1941, they shot, murdered, or burned to death nearly 20,000 inmates of NKVD prisons. Nazi war crimes in Ukraine were on a yet greater scale. The Germans killed hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian prisoners of war by starvation, gassing, and other methods. Millions of civilians were also murdered. The Nazis systematically executed members of the former Communist apparatus of Ukraine and randomly killed many other Ukrainians. The Reichskommissar of Ukraine, Erich Koch, for instance, authorized the mass murder of Ukrainians living in an area he wished to make into a hunting preserve. Over two million Ukrainians were also deported to Germany to work as forced laborers, the so-called Ostarbeiter. Forced labor also existed in Ukrainian territory. The Germans' refusal to permit the dismantling of collective farms and their massive food requisitions also contributed to the misery of Ukraine's population.

The Nazis singled out the Jews for extermination (see Holocaust). Within the first weeks of their invasion of Ukraine the Germans orchestrated a series of pogroms against the Jews in which tens of thousands perished; the Nazis recruited elements of the local population to conduct these first actions against the Jews. Thereafter, the destruction of the Jews became more systematic and was carried out primarily by the Germans themselves. In the Reichskommissariat Ukraine mobile killing units (Einsatzgruppen) went from locality to locality and shot the Jewish population. One of the most notorious of their killing grounds was situated at Babyn Yar in Kyiv. In the district of Galicia the Jews were, in the main, transported to killing centers, such as Auschwitz (Oświęcim Concentration Camp). The Ukrainian Catholic metropolitan Andrei Sheptytsky condemned the genocide and registered his protest with Heinrich Himmler. After the war Nazi leaders were prosecuted at the Nuremberg trials for their war crimes and crimes against humanity, including those perpetrated in Ukraine.

Nationalists in Western Ukraine were originally enthusiastic about the Germans, especially after the attack on the Soviet Union in June 1941. In July, however, the Germans arrested nationalist leaders who had proclaimed Ukrainian independence. Thereafter the nationalist attitude became more ambivalent, although nationalists of all factions still generally collaborated with Germany, with which they shared certain objectives and which they considered the lesser evil when compared to the Soviet Union. Illusions about the Nazis continued to be fostered by the German minister for the occupied eastern territories, Alfred Rosenberg, who held out the prospect of an end to the brutalities as well as the establishment of a Ukrainian state under German protection. There were also certain areas of policy in which the Germans were more tolerant than the Soviets had been. Many churches were reopened during the occupation, and it was possible under the Germans to investigate and publicize some Stalinist crimes (as in the exhumation of the mass graves that bore witness to the Vinnytsia massacre, and the publication of memoirs concerning the repression of the Ukrainian intelligentsia).

Ukrainians fought on both sides in the Second World War. By far the majority of ethnic Ukrainians, about 4.5 million, fought in the Red Army against the Germans. Others joined the Communist partisans (see Soviet partisans in Ukraine, 1941–5), who included the prominent commander Sydir Kovpak. There were also Ukrainian volunteer units in the German army, however, specifically the Legion of Ukrainian Nationalists (the Nachtigall and Roland units, which marched into Lviv in June 1941 together with the Germans) and the Waffen SS Division Galizien (est April 1943). By the time the latter unit was formed, it seemed more likely that Germany was going to lose the war, and Ukrainian nationalists wanted to have trained troops and weapons ready for an eventual confrontation with the Soviets. There were also Ukrainians who fought in an independent formation, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), under the leadership of the Bandera faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN). In the spring of 1943 thousands of Ukrainian policemen in German service deserted to form the fighting nucleus of the UPA, which then attacked German outposts. At the same time the UPA began liquidating Polish settlements in Volhynia, and this soon escalated into full-scale Polish-Ukrainian ethnic warfare across Western Ukraine. The UPA continued guerrilla warfare against the Soviet authorities into the mid-1950s.

A significant number of Ukrainians, many of them former prisoners of war, ended up in other formations that fought on the German side, such Andrei Vlasov's Russian Liberation Army or the auxiliary units that constituted the Ukrainian Liberation Army. Ukrainians also served in various Allied formations. Many Galician Ukrainians could be found in the Polish Second Corps, and a large number of Ukrainian Americans and Ukrainian Canadians served in the wartime armies of their respective countries. The latter group formed the London-based Ukrainian Canadian Servicemen's Association, which was to play a critical role with respect to Ukrainian displaced persons at the end of the war.

Ukrainian political and cultural aspirations were frustrated by the Nazi administration. On 30 June 1941 the Bandera faction of the OUN proclaimed an independent Ukrainian state (see Proclamation of Ukrainian statehood, 1941), hoping thereby to place before the Germans a fait accompli. In July, however, the Germans responded by arresting Stepan Bandera, Yaroslav Stetsko, and many other prominent nationalists of the Bandera faction; others went underground. Both the Bandera and the Melnyk factions of the OUN organized clandestine OUN expeditionary groups to travel into central and eastern Ukraine and agitate among the population. Most of the Ukrainian organizations that sprang up spontaneously in the wake of the Soviet withdrawal were closed down by the Germans. The legal centers on which Ukrainian cultural and political life focused were the Ukrainian Central Committee in Cracow and the Ukrainian Regional Committee in Lviv. The primary aim of those committees was to intervene with the German authorities to preserve Ukrainian culture and mitigate the sufferings of the Ukrainian population. The Germans also maintained a tight control over Ukrainian life outside Eastern Europe, by allowing only selected organizations to continue their activities (eg, the Ukrainian Hromada and Ukrainian National Alliance) and establishing the Ukrainian Institution of Trust in the German Reich as a liaison body.

The Germans began losing the war after the Battle of Stalingrad in the fall and winter of 1942–3, and especially after their defeat at Kursk in July 1943.. By August 1943 the Soviets had recaptured Kharkiv, and by November they had taken Kyiv. In the summer of 1944 the Soviets reached Galicia. A decisive battle for the fate of Galicia was fought at the Battle of Brody in July; the German forces, and with them the Division Galizien, were routed. By the fall virtually all of Ukraine was under Soviet control. Germany capitulated on 7 May 1945, but the war against Japan continued until September.

Before the end of the war the territory of the Ukrainian SSR was expanded. The Ukrainian territories that had been taken from Polish and Romanian rule in 1939–40 were reincorporated as they were reconquered; in addition, Czechoslovakia ceded Transcarpathia to the Ukrainian SSR in June 1945.

The destruction and dislocation in Ukraine caused by the Second World War surpassed even that of the First World War. An estimated 6.8 million Ukrainians were killed, and direct material damage came to 285 billion rubles (1941 prices). About 200,000 Ukrainian displaced persons ended up in the emigration in the West; the vast majority were returned to Soviet rule through forced repatriation. The extermination of much of Ukraine's Jewish population during the war and a series of wartime and postwar population transfers and deportations substantially altered the ethnic composition of Ukraine. After the expulsion and emigration of most Poles, the cities of Western Ukraine became Ukrainianized and for the first time developed a Russian minority. The once substantial German settlements in Ukraine, particularly in the south, as well as those of the Tatars in the Crimea, disappeared; Ukrainians in the Lemko region were deported from their ancestral territories into the new lands that Poland acquired from Germany (see Operation Wisła).

The victory against the Nazis in 1941–5 became an important source of legitimation for the Soviet regime and figured prominently in its propaganda at home and abroad. The Soviets referred to the war as the Great Patriotic War (Velyka Vitchyzniana viina) and made its commemoration ubiquitous: statues, monuments, and military hardware (tanks, airplanes) could be found in public places throughout the USSR (even in villages); Soviet literature and film produced a torrent of factual and fictional works about the war; veterans were granted a prominent place in public celebrations; Joseph Stalin was elevated to the stature of a military genius, and his successors (Nikita Khrushchev and Leonid Brezhnev) were also given inflated reputations for the roles they had played in the war effort; and 9 May (Victory Day) was declared an all-Union holiday commemorating the German surrender (the calendar date a day later than in Western Europe because of a time difference between Berlin and Moscow). An enormous monument and museum commemorating the Second World War were erected in 1982 near the Kyivan Cave Monastery.

The Great Patriotic War reordered Soviet Ukrainian society. Veterans of the Red Army rose to positions of prominence in the administration regardless of their ethnic or class origin. Communists who remained in Ukraine under German occupation were subjected to a detailed examination of their behavior during those years, and most were expelled from the Communist party. Postwar Soviet propaganda sought to discredit as Nazi collaborators both Ukrainian nationalists and the clergy of the Greek Catholic church; particular targets of attack were the Division Galizien and Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky. Since independence, the assessment of the war in collective memory remains unsettled. Western Ukrainians and more nationalist-minded politicians are seeking to have veterans of the Division Galizien and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army nationally recognized as legitimate war veterans, with privileges equal to those of Red Army veterans, but this remains a minority view in Ukraine.

(See also History of Ukraine.)

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John-Paul Himka

[This article originally appeared in the Encyclopedia of Ukraine, vol. 5 (1993).]