Germany. The largest country in Central Europe, covering, until 1914, an area of 540,520 sq km. After Germany’s defeat in the First World War, the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 reduced its territory to 472,030 sq km. In 1945, after its defeat in the Second World War, Germany was occupied by the Allied forces, and the Potsdam Conference left Germany with 357,022 sq km. In 1949 the United States, British, and French occupation zones became the Federal Republic of Germany of West Germany (1985 pop est 60,940,000) with an area of 248,680 sq km and Bonn as the new capital; the Soviet zone became the German Democratic Republic or East Germany (1985 pop est 16,703,000) with an area of 108,330 sq km and East Berlin as the capital. In 1990 Germany was re-unified as the Federal Republic of Germany (2020 pop est 83,190,556) with an area of 357,022 sq km and Berlin as the capital.
Although Germany and Ukraine never shared a common border, the historical states on their territories and their peoples have had various ties since the 9th century. The closeness and distance of these ties have been affected by geopolitics, particularly by the centuries-old domination of Ukraine by Poland and Russia.
The Middle Ages. The first record of contacts dates from 18 May 838, when ‘Rhos’ accompanied a Byzantine legation to Ingelheim on the Rhine, the capital of Louis I the Pious. Most historians agree that the ‘Rhos’ were Varangians in the service of Kyivan Rus’. In the 9th century, active economic relations were established between Kyiv and Regensburg via Cracow, Prague, and other towns in Poland, Moravia, and Bohemia on the main trade route between Europe and the Orient. The Franks furnished arms and other metal products, glass, ceramics, wine, cloth, and jewelry in exchange for furs, honey, wax, silver, potash, horses, and slaves from Rus’. In order to control this trade, King Louis the German (843–76) issued customs regulations in Raffelstetten, Bavaria, in which merchants from Rus’ (‘Rugi’) are mentioned. Similar customs measures were issued by King Louis the Child in 903–7. In the 10th century, Theophilus, a monk from Helmershausen near Paderborn, Saxony, noted that ‘Rus' is particularly talented in enamelling’. The records of Regensburg’s merchants of 1191 refer to trade with ‘Ruzarii’. Economic relations between Rus’ and Regensburg were intensive until the 13th century, when the Mongol invasions and the impact of Italian merchant fleets in east-west trade led to a general decline in relations between Ukraine and Germany.
Through the activity of religious missionaries from the 10th century onward, church ties between Germany and Ukraine were established. Princess Olha dispatched emissaries in 959 to King Otto I the Great with a request to send priests and a bishop to Kyiv. Around 961, the monk Adalbert from Trier arrived in Kyiv as bishop, but he soon fled, having incurred the enmity of Olha’s son, the pagan grand prince Sviatoslav I Ihorevych. Sviatoslav’s son Yaropolk I Sviatoslavych (972–ca 978) tried to maintain friendly relations with Emperor Otto II; his envoys attended the great assembly in Quedlinburg in 973, where they solicited German aid against Polish expansion. His brother Volodymyr the Great (ca 980–1015) also pursued a friendly orientation toward Germany. Having married Anna, the sister of the Byzantine emperor Basil II, in 990, he became the brother-in-law of Anna’s sister Theophano, the wife of Otto II. Emperor Henry II (1002–24) tried to obtain the support of Kyivan Rus’ in his protracted war against Bolesław I the Brave of Poland. The war forced Archbishop Bruno of Querfurt to abandon his mission among the Prussians; instead he pursued the conversion of the Pechenegs, during which he was received by Volodymyr in Kyiv in 1007 and 1008. Bruno’s letter to Henry II is the oldest extant German written reference to Rus’.
His wife Anna having died in 1011, Volodymyr the Great married (in 1012) the daughter of Count Kuno von Enningen (and granddaughter of Otto I the Great and Henry II). Although this marriage should have strengthened the ties of Rus’ with Germany, the opposite, in fact, happened, because Bolesław I the Brave negotiated a pact with Henry II at Merseburg in 1013, and German troops helped Bolesław to invade Rus’ and occupy the Cherven towns. After Volodymyr’s death, the rivalry between his sons Sviatopolk I and Yaroslav the Wise for the Kyivan throne resulted in the interference of the rulers of Poland and Germany in the affairs of Rus’. The joint campaign of Sviatopolk I and Bolesław I against Yaroslav the Wise and the capture of Kyiv in 1018 are described in the chronicle of Bishop Thietmar of Merseburg. After consolidating his rule, Yaroslav the Wise entered into an alliance with Emperor Conrad II, and during the renewed Polish-German war he annexed the town of Belz (1030) and the Cherven towns (1031) with German consent. Emperor Henry III received Yaroslav the Wise’s envoys in Allstedt, Thuringia, in 1040, and negotiated trade and political agreements with them. In 1043 Yaroslav the Wise offered his daughter’s hand in marriage to Henry III, but the offer was refused. Nonetheless, cordial relations between the Kyivan Rus’ and Germany were maintained. In 1061 Henry IV gave asylum to Yaroslav the Wise’s daughter Anastasiia, the wife of King Andrew I of Hungary, and sent legations to her brother Grand Prince Iziaslav Yaroslavych.
Marriages between the members of the reigning families of Germany and Kyivan Rus’ facilitated the political relationships between the two states. From the 11th to the 13th century, at least 12 such marriages took place. A son of Yaroslav the Wise, Sviatoslav II Yaroslavych, the prince of Chernihiv (1054–73) and grand prince of Kyiv (1073–6), married the daughter of Count Etheler of Dithmarschen. Another of Yaroslav the Wise’s sons, Volodymyr, the prince of Novgorod (1034–52), was married to Oda, the daughter of Count Leopold of Stade. In 1073, another son, Grand Prince Iziaslav Yaroslavych, was forced to flee from Kyiv by his brother Sviatoslav II Yaroslavych. He went to Poland and thence to Mainz to the court of Henry IV, where he appealed to Henry to help him recover the throne of Kyiv from his brother. Henry sent an envoy, Bishop Burchardt of Trier, to Kyiv to Sviatoslav, who in turn offered the king many precious gifts. In Germany, Iziaslav and his son Yaropolk Iziaslavych stayed with the margrave of Thuringia, and Yaropolk married Kunigunde, the daughter of Count Otto of Orlamünde-Reichlingen. When Iziaslav Yaroslavych failed to receive help from Henry, he sent Yaropolk with an appeal to Henry’s foe, Pope Gregory VII; his plea is recorded in the Trier Psalter, which contains miniatures depicting Yaropolk’s family. As the prince of Volodymyr-Volynskyi (1078–87), Yaropolk maintained personal ties with German noble houses, and his daughter married a German count. In 1089 in Cologne, Henry IV married Yevpraksiia Vsevolodivna, the eldest daughter of Grand Prince Vsevolod Yaroslavych and widow of Henry, the margrave of Saxony. Through this union, Henry IV hoped to gain Vsevolod’s political and financial support.
In the 12th century the Kyivan Rus’ began to decline as a result of the internecine wars, and its constituent principalities developed on their own. From the latter half of the 12th century, the princes of Halych (Galicia) and Volodymyr-Volynskyi (Volhynia) increased their contacts with the West. After Béla III of Hungary invaded his realm in 1189, Prince Volodymyr Yaroslavych of Halych sought refuge at the court of Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa, who received him ‘with great respect’ and together with Prince Casimir II the Just of Cracow helped him regain his throne. Volodymyr’s successor, Roman Mstyslavych—the founder of the united Principality of Galicia-Volhynia—was involved in the wars between the German houses of Welf and Hohenstaufen and was killed in 1205 in the Battle of Zawichost against Leszek the White of Cracow while he was an ally of King Philip of Swabia. The marriage in 1252 of Roman Danylovych, the son of the Galician-Volhynian prince Danylo Romanovych, to Gertrude of Babenberg, heiress to the Austrian duchy, opened up the possibility for a Ukrainian dynasty to rule Austria. The duchy was seized by King Otakar II of Bohemia, however, and Roman Danylovych was forced to flee Austria. Prince Danylo Romanovych and his successors formed alliances with the Teutonic Knights in Prussia and Livonia in order to counter the territorial ambitions of Poland and Lithuania. They also encouraged the colonization of their realm by Germans, whose influx into the towns made it possible for the latter to receive the privileges of Magdeburg law. Thus, from the mid-13th century on, the western Ukrainian lands of Galicia, Volhynia, and the Kholm region found themselves in the German cultural and economic sphere of influence. Entire German rural communities were established there, and for some time they were governed according to Germanic law.
Kyivan Rus’ and the Principality of Galicia-Volhynia maintained ties with Germany in order to have an ally against Poland. The political balance of forces in the Rus’-Polish-German triangle was the constant aim of the Ukrainian rulers and at the same time an important factor in the political life of Europe as a whole. When medieval Ukrainian statehood came to an end in 1340, Ukraine’s territories were incorporated into the Lithuanian-Ruthenian state and the Polish state, under which (particularly after the Union of Krevo in 1386) the Ukrainians’ autonomy was increasingly limited and they were forced to participate in the Polish-Lithuanian wars with the Teutonic Knights. Thus, at the Battle of Grunwald (1410), where the knights were decisively defeated, 9 of the 15 regiments in the Polish army were from Galicia and Podilia, and 6 of the 17 regiments in the Lithuanian army were from Volhynia and Polisia. After this victory, trading towns began developing on the Baltic Sea littoral, and they became an outlet for Ukraine’s products.
The 15th century to 1917. In this long period, when the Ukrainians were essentially stateless, Ukrainian-German relations were primarily manifested in the cultural sphere. In the 16th century, with the advent of the Reformation, Ukrainians began studying at German universities. A. Pronsky, the son of a Kyiv voivode, studied at Heidelberg in the mid-16th century; in the 17th century many students from Volhynia (eg, the brothers A. and Kh. Seniuta and I. Malyshko) and Podilia (eg, P. Bokhynytsky) also studied there. The registers of the University of Leipzig from the mid-16th to the late 17th century contain a few dozen ‘Ruthenian’ students, including natives of Lviv (F. Bernatovych), Buchach (P. Yazlovetsky), and Volhynia (I. Herburt); in the 18th century, students from Russian-ruled Ukraine (Hryhorii Kozytsky from Kyiv, M. Motonis from Nizhyn), including the sons of Cossacks (the brothers Ostrohradsky, A. Bezborodko) and Meletii Smotrytsky, also studied there. Soon after Königsberg (Kaliningrad) University was founded in 1544, Ukrainians from Galicia and Podilia (K. Besky, the Zernytsky brothers, M. Danylovych, H. and M. Sakharovsky, I. Valovych, S. Biletsky) were among the first students. In the 18th century, Immanuel Kant’s lectures there were attended by S. Husarevsky, the brothers Tumansky, Hornovsky, and Leontovych, V. Beliavsky, O. Karasevsky, M. Shcherbak, and Ivan Khmelnytsky, a descendant of Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky. Ukrainians also studied at the universities of Göttingen, Cologne, Kiel, Leiden, Jena, Wittenberg, Halle, and Breslau (Wrocław). Graduates of the Kyivan Mohyla Academy studied medicine at Strassburg (Strasbourg) University in the 18th century (M. Terekhovsky, Oleksander Shumliansky, N. Karpynsky, Nestor Ambodyk-Maksymovych).
As the power of the Zaporozhian Cossacks grew, so did their fame. In 1594, Emperor Rudolf II sent a legation under Erich Lassota von Steblau to the Zaporozhian Sich to solicit the Cossacks’ aid in stemming Ottoman expansion in Europe; Lassota’s diary of his trip is a valuable source about the history and geography of Ukraine. To encourage the Cossacks to join the anti-Turkish coalition, Rudolf offered them his banner as a symbol of his imperial protection over them. This displeased the Poles, who, in the Battle of Solonytsia near Lubny in 1596, defeated the Cossack rebels led by Severyn Nalyvaiko and captured the banner. Thus ended this short-lived attempt at German-Cossack collaboration.
During the Polish-Cossack wars of the first half of the 17th century, Brandenburg-Prussia, as Poland’s fief, was obliged to aid Poland militarily. In 1635, a German garrison stationed at the Kodak fortress had the task of stopping fugitives from reaching the Zaporozhian Sich.
The Cossack-Polish War of 1648–57 waged during the hetmancy of Bohdan Khmelnytsky weakened Poland considerably and gave Duke Frederick William of Brandenburg-Prussia the opportunity to break away from Poland. In mid-1649 and 1651 a rumor spread throughout Poland that Frederick had come to an agreement with Khmelnytsky through the mediation of Prince György II Rákóczi of Transylvania. But it was only in 1655 that Frederick instructed his envoy U.G. von Somnitz to conclude such an agreement. In October 1656 Khmelnytsky joined the Swedish-Transylvanian-Brandenburg coalition against Poland. In June 1657 the Swedish envoy Daniel Oliveberg de Graecani Atheniensis arrived in Chyhyryn with Frederick’s proposal to conclude a treaty of friendship, to which Khmelnytsky responded affirmatively. Negotiations continued in 1657–8, even after Khmelnytsky’s death. Once Frederick had obtained complete independence from Poland, he assumed the role of mediator in peace negotiations between Poland and the Cossacks. But he also sent his envoy A. Achilles-Meyn to Hetman Ivan Vyhovsky to explore the possibility of a ‘Protestant-Cossack alliance’ in the event of conflict with Poland. Vyhovsky and his adviser Yurii Nemyrych reacted favorably, since the proposal, if it had been implemented, would have guaranteed independence for both sides from Poland and from Muscovy.
At the same time Austria feared the expansion of its imperial enemies Turkey and Sweden and any rapprochement between them and Bohdan Khmelnytsky. In early 1657 Emperor Ferdinand III sent a legation headed by Archbishop P. Parchevich to Chyhyryn to promote a reconciliation between Poland and the Cossacks and to negotiate a coalition against Turkey. Khmelnytsky received the envoy with full honors and promised to halt the joint Cossack-Transylvanian offensive against Poland (he did not keep his promise).
Contacts between Ukrainian hetmans and Austrian and German rulers continued. For example, Hetman Ivan Mazepa corresponded in 1707 with Emperor Joseph I about receiving the title of imperial prince. Mazepa’s émigré successor, Pylyp Orlyk, conducted diplomatic correspondence with Frederick Augustus II, met with Baron A. von Bernsdorf, the chief minister of George I, in Hannover, and stayed under Habsburg protection in 1721 in Breslau, where he met and gained the sympathy of Duke Charles Frederick of Holstein. His son Hryhor Orlyk was accepted into Augustus’s own regiment in Dresden. Mazepa’s nephew Andrii Voinarovsky fled to Germany after Mazepa’s defeat at the Battle of Poltava and lived in Hamburg, where he was abducted by Russian agents in 1716.
German-Ukrainian relations were manifested not only in the diplomatic sphere. Thousands of Cossacks served as mercenaries in the Habsburg army during the Thirty Years’ War, and over 20,000 served in the Polish army that liberated Vienna from the Turks in 1683.
During the hetmancy of Ivan Mazepa (1687–1709), Ukraine’s cultural and economic contacts with Germany were expanded. A large part of Ukraine’s raw materials and agricultural products was exported to Prussia, Silesia, and other German lands, and Danzig and Breslau became important centers for Ukraine’s export trade; Breslau also supplied Ukraine with many books and periodicals. From the 18th century, Kyiv artisans and merchants sold German-made products and exported their own to Saxony and Prussia.
Ukrainians continued to study at German universities. Many others, likely including Hryhorii Skovoroda, sejourned in Germany. The German press, such as Leipzig’s Leipziger Post and Europäische Fama, Berlin’s Mercurius, Postilion, Fama, and Relations-Courier, and Hamburg’s Historische Remarques über die neuesten Sachen in Europa, reported on events in Ukraine. Several 17th-century German historians wrote about Ukraine, including J. Pastorius, author of Bellum Scythico-Cosacicum (1652), S. von Pufendorf, and Johannes Herbinius. In the late 18th century, the explorers and naturalists Johannes Anton Güldenstädt, Peter Pallas, K. Hablitz, and S. Gmelin wrote valuable descriptions of Southern Ukraine, and the Austrian historian Johann-Christian Engel wrote two of the first scholarly accounts of Ukrainian history.
After the first partition of Poland in 1772, Austria occupied Galicia and, in 1774, Bukovyna. Under Austrian rule the population of these lands was subjected to the evils of Germanization and foreign domination, but it also benefited from living under a relatively liberal regime (compared to Ukraine under Russian rule) and being exposed to the achievements of Germano-Austrian culture.
With the erosion of Ukrainian autonomy and finally its abolition under Russian rule in the second half of the 18th century, direct German-Ukrainian political relations declined but did not entirely disappear. In 1791, for example, Vasyl Kapnist was sent on a secret mission to Berlin by a group of Ukrainian noble patriots to solicit support for a Ukrainian rebellion in the event of a Prussian-Russian war.
In the 19th century, the Germans were only marginally aware of the Ukrainian national revival, despite the fact that it was initially inspired by the ideas of the German philosopher Johann Gottfried von Herder, and only a few Germans took an active interest in Ukrainian affairs. In 1861 the second secretary of the Prussian embassy in Saint Petersburg, K. von Schlözer, sent a report to the Foreign Office in Berlin in which he described and supported ‘Little Russian’ separatist sentiments. In 1888 the Prussian philosopher E. von Hartmann, in his article ‘Russland und Europa’ (Gegenwart, 33, nos 1–3), called for the creation of an independent ‘Kingdom of Kyiv’ in order to weaken Russia. Nevertheless, the official Prussian position until 1914 towards the dismemberment of the Russian Empire and Ukrainian independence was reserved and at times even hostile.
From the second half of the 19th century until the First World War, intensive maritime trade between Germany and Ukraine took place. Wheat, sugar beets, and mineral ores were exported to Germany, and agricultural machinery, chemicals, and textiles were imported into Ukraine. The investment and influence of German capital in the industries and mines of Russian-ruled Ukraine was significant.
In the cultural sphere, certain German and Austrian writers took an interest in Ukrainian literature, particularly in Taras Shevchenko (H.-L. Zunk, Johann Georg Obrist [Taras Grigoriewicz Szewczenko, ein kleinrussischer Dichter, 1870], Karl-Emil Franzos, W. Kawerau, V. Umlauff, G. Karpeles, J. Hart, A. Seelieb, J. Virginia, A.-M. Bosch, W. Fischer), and surveys of Ukrainian literature were published in German encyclopedias. Ivan Franko translated German literature into Ukrainian and informed the German-speaking world about Ukrainian affairs (some of these writings were republished in Ivan Franko. Beiträge zur Geschichte und Kultur der Ukraine, Berlin 1963). The works of Shevchenko, Franko, Olha Kobylianska, Vasyl Stefanyk, and other writers were also translated into German. Ukrainian political émigrés maintained contacts with German revolutionaries; eg, Serhii Podolynsky and Mykola Ziber corresponded with Karl Marx, and they read each other’s works.
The First World War and the Ukrainian Revolution. With the outbreak of German-Russian hostilities, German policy towards Ukraine changed completely. Although the Ukrainian problem did not figure prominently in German plans for the East until 1916, German and Austrian military and diplomatic circles secretly began aiding the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine (SVU)—an organization founded by émigrés from Russian-ruled Ukraine that promoted the idea of an independent Ukrainian state—as a means of undermining Russia. The SVU had its headquarters in Vienna from August 1914; when the Austrians reduced their support in favor of the Poles, the SVU moved to Berlin in spring 1915. In spring 1918 the Germans permitted the creation of two Ukrainian divisions, the so-called Bluecoats, from among the Ukrainians in the Russian army who were German prisoners of war. (In 1915 the Austrians had permitted the organization of two special prisoner of war camps for Ukrainian prisoners, and three similar German camps had been established later that year.)
During the First World War certain German historians and publicists wrote studies and articles about the threat of Russian expansion, while supporting the idea of Ukrainian independence and underlining the importance of the Ukrainian question for Germany and for world politics as a whole. The most prominent were Paul Rohrbach, one of Germany’s best-informed eastern experts, K. Nötzel (Die Unabhängigkeit der Ukraine als einzige Rettung vor der russischen Gefahr, 1915), G. Cleinow (Das Problem der Ukraina, 1915), and O. Kessler (Die Ukraine. Beiträge zur Geschichte, Kultur und Volkswirtschaft, 1916). In December 1915, the German society Ukraine was formed in Berlin; headed by Gen K. Gebsattel, it published its own organ, Osteuropäische Zukunft (editor F. Schupp). The Ukrainian question was treated in the compendium Die Ukraine (1916) (particularly in F. Schupp’s article ‘Die Ukraine, Deutschlands Brücke zum Morgenland’), in P. Ostwald’s Die Ukraine und die ukrainische Bewegung (1916), Axel Schmidt’s Das Ziel Russlands (1916), and Albrecht Penck’s article ‘Die Ukraine’ in Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin (1916). While most of Germany’s eastern experts advocated playing the Ukrainian card, German and Austrian governing circles favored the creation of a Polish kingdom to counter Russia.
The February Revolution of 1917 in the Russian Empire and the creation of the Central Rada in Kyiv caught the German government off guard. The German supporters of the Ukrainian movement, Paul Rohrbach, Axel Schmidt, F. Schupp, and others, continued and even stepped up their activity in the hope of influencing German public and government opinion about the importance of an independent Ukrainian state. The German and Austrian governments continued funding the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine and subsidized Ukrainian political publications, but they failed to attract the support of the Ukrainian National Republic (UNR) leaders. Nonetheless, Germany and the other Central Powers, as a result of developments in the war and the Allied blockade, were obliged to deal with the UNR and to negotiate the Peace Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with the UNR separately from their treaty with Soviet Russia. The treaty was signed on 9 February 1918, and the UNR and Germany exchanged ambassadors, and the German government ratified the treaty on 24 July 1918.
In order to ensure delivery of Ukrainian grain and other foodstuffs as negotiated in the treaty, the Germans offered military aid to help clear the territories of the Ukrainian National Republic of Bolshevik forces; the UNR leaders responded favorably. Between 19 February and early April 1918, a 800,000-strong German-Austrian army under the command of Field Marshal Hermann Eichhorn occupied all of Ukraine. But the interference of the German high command in Ukrainian affairs, its seizure of the transportation network, and the arbitrary and brutal requisitioning methods of the German and Austrian forces in Ukraine led to a conflict with the UNR Central Rada. This, in turn, led to the German-backed monarchist coup d’état of Gen Pavlo Skoropadsky on 29 April 1918. Earlier in the month Gen Wilhelm Groener, chief of staff of the German high command, and the German ambassador Philip Alfons Mumm von Schwarzenstein had come to terms with Skoropadsky concerning future German-Ukrainian collaboration. The agreement, which gave the Germans a free hand in trade and raw-materials procurement and strengthened German control of Ukraine (by then viewed by the Germans as their satellite), considerably restricted the actions of Skoropadsky’s Hetman government. The population deeply resented the German military overlordship and responded to it with peasant risings and partisan warfare. After Skoropadsky met with Emperor William II in Berlin from 4 to 17 September 1918, and new agreements were made, German policy toward the Hetman government became friendlier and more co-operative. But by then it was too late: two months later Germany capitulated and began withdrawing its troops from Ukraine. During the Austro-German occupation of 1918, Ukraine supplied 42,000–75,000 carloads (roughly 840,000 to 1.5 million tonnes) of foodstuffs to Germany and Austria.
During the period of the Central Rada, the Ukrainian ambassador to Germany was Oleksander Sevriuk. The Hetman government’s ambassador was Teodor Shteingel. After the Directory of the Ukrainian National Republic overthrew Pavlo Skoropadsky, the ambassador was Mykola Porsh, who was succeeded in 1920 by Mykola Vasylko. The German plenipotentiary in Kyiv from January 1919 was O. Meissner. From 1919 to 1921 the Western Ukrainian National Republic (ZUNR) was represented in Germany by Roman Smal-Stotsky. Vasyl Orenchuk was the UNR consul in Munich from 1919 to 1922. From 1921 to 1923 Volodymyr Aussem was the first representative of the Ukrainian SSR in Berlin.
The press of the day extensively covered the Peace Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and the German occupation of Ukraine in 1918. Valuable memoirs of the period have been written by several key German and Austrian figures—generals Max Hoffmann, E. von Ludendorff, and Wilhelm Groener, R. von Kühlmann, Ottokar Czernin (von und zu Chudenitz), and others.
The interwar years. After the USSR and Germany signed the Treaty of Rapallo and the Berlin Agreement in 1922, economic relations between Soviet Ukraine and Germany were normalized. Germany and Ukraine became major trade partners, and German workers and experts helped to rebuild Ukraine’s industries. A Soviet Ukrainian trade delegation was established in Berlin, and a German counterpart was located in Kharkiv. The People's Commissariat of Education of Ukraine, which created a bureau in Berlin in 1922, bought German books for Ukraine’s libraries and supervised scientific and cultural co-operation, exchanges, and contacts. In the years 1925–8 over 400 Ukrainian scholars made official research trips to Germany. In 1925, scholarly and book exchanges were established between the All-Ukrainian Academy of Sciences (VUAN) and the Bavarian Academy of Sciences in Munich. The VUAN social-economic division had close ties with Berlin University. In the 1920s, Soviet Ukrainian writers, filmmakers, actors, opera singers, and musicians, including Pavlo Tychyna, Ivan Mykytenko, Mykola Khvylovy, Oleksander Dovzhenko, Hnat Yura, Les Kurbas, Mykhailo Boichuk, Vasyl Sedliar, Vadym Meller, Valeriian Polishchuk, and Oles Dosvitnii, toured Germany, and German cultural figures visited and performed in Ukraine.
The German-Ukrainian Society continued its activity, and its members’ writings influenced the eastern policies of the Weimar Republic. Among the society’s publications were the journal Die Ukraine (40 issues, 1918–26) and Knyzhka pro Nimechchynu (Book about Germany, 1920) edited by Axel Schmidt and Zenon Kuzelia. On the initiative of Pavlo Skoropadsky and with the backing of the Ukrainian Refugee Aid Society and the Society for the Advancement of Ukrainian Culture and Knowledge (and, from 1931, the German Ministry of Education), the Ukrainian Scientific Institute in Berlin was founded in 1926 to foster Ukrainian scholarship, provide and publish information about Ukraine, and conduct and publish research about Ukraine’s relations with the West, particularly with Germany. From 1934 the institute was a state institution; it was affiliated with Berlin University until 1938.
Among the more active German Ukrainian specialists were Hans Koch, who studied the history of the Ukrainian church; Paul Rohrbach, the author of Deutschlands Ukraine Politik (1918); T. von Biberstein, the author of Die ukrainische Frage: Die Ukraine vor und nach dem Weltkrieg im Lichte der neuesten wissenschaftlichen Quellen (1934); and particularly Axel Schmidt, who in his articles and the book Ukraine, Land der Zukunft (1939) promoted the idea of an independent Ukraine as being in the interest of Germany itself. Schmidt’s orientation ran counter to Adolf Hitler’s expansionist and racist views, however, and his works were not allowed to circulate in 1941.
The Second World War. The real intentions of Nazi Germany vis-à-vis Ukraine first became evident in March 1939, when it occupied Bohemia and Moravia and sanctioned the Hungarian annexation of Carpatho-Ukraine, which in 1938 had acquired national autonomy as part of the Czechoslovak Republic. In August 1939 Germany and the USSR signed the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, according to which the USSR occupied most of Polish-ruled Western Ukraine after Germany invaded Poland in September and started the Second World War. In the western Ukrainian borderlands that were incorporated into the Nazi Generalgouvernement of Poland after the invasion, minimal cultural and social activity was allowed within the framework of the Ukrainian Central Committee. In June 1940, the USSR took northern Bukovyna and Bessarabia from Romania with German assent.
In June 1941, the Germans quickly overran most of Ukraine. Many Ukrainians greeted the Germans as their liberators from Soviet oppression, but this attitude soon changed as Nazi policy became evident. In July the new, Nazi, totalitarian regime suppressed the attempt to re-establish a Ukrainian state after the Proclamation of Ukrainian Statehood, 1941 in Lviv by leaders of the OUN (Bandera faction) on 30 June and placed many OUN leaders in concentration camps. On 1 August, Galicia was incorporated as a district of the Generalgouvernement. The Reichskommissariat Ukraine was created on 20 August on the territory of Right-Bank Ukraine and large parts of central Left-Bank Ukraine; it was governed by Erich Koch from Rivne. Northern Bukovyna, parts of Bessarabia, and so-called Transnistria were administered by Axis Romania.
At the start of the Second World War, Ukrainians considered the Germans as partners in their struggle to free Ukraine from Soviet Russian domination. But from the summer of 1941 Nazi Germany began treating Ukraine as its colony (Lebensraum). The initial somewhat positive attitude toward Ukrainians as expressed by Alfred Rosenberg gave way to the extreme policies of Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, and Erich Koch. Although conditions were somewhat better for Ukrainians who found themselves under the Generalgouvernement, in general all Ukrainians were treated by the Nazi regime as a subhuman (Untermenschen) work pool. Most Ukrainians therefore actively or passively resisted Nazi policies in Ukraine and paid dearly for this resistance.
During the German wartime occupation, 6.8 million inhabitants of Ukraine perished as a consequence of the German-Soviet war or of Nazi war crimes in Ukraine and the Holocaust; more than 700 cities and towns and over 28,000 villages were destroyed. Between two and three million Ukrainians were deported as Ostarbeiter, or slave laborers, to the Third Reich. All oppositionist and independentist groups, such as the Ukrainian National Council in Lviv, 1941 founded in Lviv in July and the Ukrainian National Council (Kyiv) founded in Kyiv in October 1941, the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, and the OUN expeditionary groups, were brutally persecuted, and the organized Ukrainian nationalist movement became an anti-German underground that contributed to Germany’s defeat on the Eastern Front. From 1941, groups of Ukrainian partisans led by Taras Borovets in Volhynia and Polisia (see Polisian Sich) engaged in guerrilla warfare against both the German and the Soviet military (including the Soviet partisans in Ukraine, 1941–5). From 1943 this guerrilla warfare was spearheaded in Western Ukraine by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. In 1943, however, a Ukrainian volunteer formation, the Division Galizien, was created as part of the German armed forces on the Soviet front; it was supported by the Ukrainians not as a German unit, but as the core of the armed forces in a future independent Ukraine. From August 1943 the Soviet offensive in Ukraine gained momentum, but it was only in October 1944 that the last German forces retreated from Ukrainian soil.
The postwar period. After the Second World War, Ukraine had official economic and cultural ties primarily with the Soviet client state of East Germany. The nature and extent of these ties were decided in Moscow. In 1958, a Ukrainian section, headed by Ivan Bilodid, of the Society for Soviet-German Friendship and Cultural Relations was founded in Kyiv. The inhumane and destructive policies of the Nazi regime in Ukraine have tainted the perception of Germans in Soviet Ukraine. West Germany, in particular, was viewed negatively from the Soviet perspective as the successor to the Third Reich and an enemy because of its NATO affiliation; this precluded any meaningful co-operation between Bonn and Kyiv during the Soviet period. Nonetheless, in 1986 the governments of the West German Federal Republic and the USSR agreed to open a German consulate in Kyiv and a Soviet one in Munich. Other Ukrainian-German relations existed in West Germany as a result of the presence of émigrés and displaced persons who took refuge there after the war.
In 1948 the German-Ukrainian Society was revived in Munich. Between 1952 and 1958 it published 44 issues of the journal Ukraine in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart (editor Hryhorii Prokopchuk) and several books. In 1960 the society was merged with the Herder German-Ukrainian Society, which was founded in Munich on the initiative of Ivan Mirchuk and Hans Koch in 1948.
In 1946, the Ukrainian Free University (UVU), which from 1921 to 1945 was located in Prague, was re-established in Munich. The Shevchenko Scientific Society—the leading scholarly society in Western Ukraine from 1873 to 1939—was revived in Munich in 1947, and the Ukrainian Technical and Husbandry Institute—the correspondence school of the Ukrainian Husbandry Academy in Poděbrady, Bohemia, from 1932 to 1945—was revived in Regensburg in 1945. In order to facilitate contacts with German academic circles, these three institutions formed the Association for the Advancement of Ukrainian Studies in 1962.
A new chapter in German-Ukrainian relations began with Ukraine’s proclamation of independence in 1991.
Ukrainians in Germany
To 1939. Until 1914, Ukrainians came to Germany on an individual basis and only temporarily, as visitors or as students; eg, Mykola Lysenko studied at the Leipzig Conservatory and Andrei Sheptytsky, the future metropolitan, studied at Breslau University. From the late 19th century, certain Ukrainian artists have gone to Germany to study and to improve their technique (eg, Mykola Ivasiuk, Modest Sosenko, Ivan Trush, Heorhii Narbut, Oleksander Murashko, Mykhailo Parashchuk, Yevsevii Lipetsky, Mykhailo Boichuk, Damian Horniatkevych). Thousands of Ukrainians from Austrian-ruled Western Ukraine went there for seasonal work. The club Ukraina was founded in Hamburg in 1908. During the First World War, Germany was home to members of the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine and other expatriates, who were involved in relief work on behalf of some 200,000 Ukrainian soldiers in the Russian army interned in German prisoner of war camps near Wetzlar, Rastatt, and Salzwedel. From 1918 to 1921, the Ukrainian National Republic and the Ukrainian State (the Hetman government) had an embassy and numerous missions in Berlin.
In 1919, relatively small numbers of political refugees who had taken part in the Ukrainian struggle for independence (1917–20) began settling in Germany. Berlin became the center of Ukrainian activity. The Ukrainian Hromada society was founded there in 1919; at first a non-partisan society, it became the center of the Hetmanite movement. In 1933 the Ukrainian National Alliance was founded in Berlin; an affiliate of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists from 1937, it became a powerful civic organization. Two major Ukrainian publishing houses existed in Berlin: Yakiv Orenshtain’s Ukrainska Nakladnia (1919–33) and Ukrainske Slovo (1921–6), directed by Zenon Kuzelia. There were also several smaller publishers. Several Ukrainian newspapers and periodicals were published there, including Ukraïns’ke slovo (Berlin) (1921–4), Ukraïns’kyi prapor (1923–31), Osteuropäische Korrespondenz (1926–30), and Ukrainischer Pressedienst/Ukraïns’ka presova sluzhba (1931–9) (bulletins of the Ukrainian Press Service).
A few hundred Ukrainian émigré students attended German universities. In 1921 they organized the Ukrainian Student Association in Germany; branches, as well as independent student societies, were created in Berlin, Königsberg, Kiel, Göttingen, Breslau, Danzig (Osnova Union of Ukrainian Students in Danzig), and elsewhere. In 1924 an umbrella organization, called from 1925 the Union of Ukrainian Student Organizations in Germany and Danzig, was founded; in 1939 it was renamed the National Union of Ukrainian Student Organizations in Germany and in 1941 the Nationalist Organization of Ukrainian Students in Germany.
Emigré leaders, such as Hetman Pavlo Skoropadsky, Yevhen Petrushevych, the president of the Western Ukrainian National Republic, and Yevhen Konovalets, the head of the Ukrainian Military Organization, lived in Berlin with their close associates. From 1919 Ivan Poltavets-Ostrianytsia, the leader of the Free Cossacks, lived in Munich. In 1927 a Ukrainian Greek-Catholic parish was created in Berlin; in 1940 its pastor, Petro Verhun, became the apostolic visitator for Ukrainian Catholics in Germany, and a parish was also created in Munich. In the 1930s a Ukrainian Orthodox parish also existed in Berlin.
The Second World War. On the eve of the Second World War about 10,000 Ukrainians lived in Germany. They were joined by Ukrainians fleeing from Hungarian-occupied Transcarpathia in 1938. After Poland fell in 1939, Ukrainians—former soldiers in the Polish army, inhabitants of the Generalgouvernement, and refugees fleeing the Soviet occupation of Western Ukraine—found their way to Germany. During the German-Soviet war of 1941–5, hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians in the Soviet Army who had been captured or surrendered were interned in Germany and brutally treated; many of them died in the concentration camps. In pursuit of Lebensraum, and to ease the labor shortage caused by conscription, and to keep the German economy going, millions of foreigners were recruited or forcibly deported to work in Germany. Beginning in 1940 certain Ukrainians in the Generalgouvernement went to work in Germany voluntarily; many more were taken forcibly, as were between two and three million Ostarbeiter from Soviet Ukraine. The latter, in particular, were treated as Untermenschen, had no rights, and were subjected to extremely poor living and working conditions and harsh treatment, including beatings, executions, and incarceration in concentration camps for any infractions. Only in late 1944, after the Germans had retreated from Ukraine, did the Nazi regime attempt to moderate its attitude towards the Ostarbeiter as a whole. The Ukrainian Ostarbeiter were allowed to have a Ukrainian custodial agency, the Ukrainische Betreuungsstelle, headed by Oleksander Semenenko (the former mayor of Kharkiv), which looked after their cultural needs. From 1941 Ukrainian workers in Germany from the territory of the Generalgouvernement were represented and aided by the Berlin bureau (directed by Atanas Figol) of the Ukrainian Central Committee. With the wartime increase of the number of Ukrainians in Germany, the two major Ukrainian civic organizations already existing there expanded. The nationalist Ukrainian National Alliance (headed by Tymish Omelchenko) by 1942 had 42,000 members in 1,268 branches; it published the newspaper Ukraïns’kyi visnyk (Berlin). The Hetmanite Ukrainian Hromada had over 6,000 members and published the newspaper Ukraïns’ka diisnist’. An official German agency, the Ukrainian Institution of Trust in the German Reich (Ukrainische Vertrauensstelle im Deutschen Reich, headed by Mykola Sushko), kept a register of Ukrainians in Germany and issued identity papers. As a result of its efforts, the German Labor Front created a department to take care of the Ukrainian workers’ social and cultural needs.
The postwar period. At the end of the Second World War, some 2.5 to 3 million Ukrainians found themselves in Germany. Most were forcibly repatriated to the USSR during 1945 (see Repatriation). Thus, at the beginning of 1946 only about 180,000 Ukrainians remained in Germany—after the Poles, the second largest national group of displaced persons. Most of them were resettled within five years in Belgium, France, Great Britain, and later the United States, Canada, Brazil, Australia, and elsewhere overseas. Because of emigration, the number of Ukrainians in Germany fell to 140,000 in 1947, 111,000 in 1948, 86,000 in 1949, and 55,000 in 1950.
In 1947 most Ukrainians were housed in 134 displaced persons camps; a minority lived in private dwellings. The largest concentrations of Ukrainians were in the regions of Bavaria (66,000), Baden (9,400), and Hesse (8,200) in the American occupation zone; Lower Saxony (10,800), north Rhineland-Westphalia (6,800), Schleswig-Holstein (1,500), and Hamburg (3,200) in the British zone; and Rhineland Pfalz (3,300) and Württemberg (2,200) in the French zone. In 1946–7, the camps with large numbers of Ukrainians were: in the American zone, Regensburg (4,660), Mittenwald-Jäger-Kaserne (2,890), Augsburg-Somme-Kaserne (2,640), Munich-Freimann (2,580), Cornberg (2,340), Ellwangen (2,330), Ettlingen (2,150), Berchtesgaden-’Orlyk’ (2,110), Bayreuth (2,170), Munich-Schleissheim (2,020), Aschaffenburg-Pionier-Kaserne (2,000), Neu-Ulm (1,930), Mainz-Kastel (1,800), Dillingen (1,660), Stuttgart-Zufenhausen (1,580), Aschaffenburg-Artillerie-Kaserne (1,450), Bamberg (1,380), Aschaffenburg-Lagarde (1,300), Aschaffenburg-Bois Brûlé (1,300), Karlsruhe (1,300), Ingolstadt (1,280), Mittenwald-Pionier-Kaserne (1,190), Stephanskirchen (1,170), Pforzheim (1,130), Neumarkt (1,070), Reiterzeich (970), Landshut (900), Erlangen (810), Ludwigsburg (800), and Munich-Laim (720); in the British zone, Hannover-’Lysenko’ (3,430), Heidenau (3,030), Rheine (1,910), Münster-Lager (1,530), Mülheim-Ruhr (1,440), Hallendorf (1,420), Bathorn (1,350), Lintorf (1,320), Goslar (1,200), Hamburg-Falkenberg (1,110), Burgdorf (970), Braunschweig (900), Bielefeld (850), Delmenhorst (800), Korigen (740), Göttingen (680), and Godenau (650); and in the French zone, Gneisenau (1,370), Bad Kreuznach (670), Landstuhl (610), and Trier (530).
After 1950. When mass resettlement came to a halt at the beginning of the 1950s, only about 20,000 Ukrainians remained in West Germany (most were elderly or disabled and not eligible for resettlement). When the camps were closed down, these persons were registered as stateless, granted rights (excluding political rights) equal to those of the German population, and integrated into German society. Most of the employable Ukrainians moved into urban-industrial areas. In 1970, 8,700 (44 percent) of the Ukrainians lived in Bavaria, 3,500 (18 percent) in Baden-Württemberg, 3,300 (16 percent) in Hesse, 1,550 (7.3 percent) in Westphalia, 1,450 (7.2 percent) in Lower Saxony, 500 (2.3 percent) in Hamburg, 400 (2 percent) in Bremen, and about 600 (3 percent) elsewhere. Eighty percent of the employable Ukrainians worked in industry and construction, 5 percent worked in agriculture, and 3 percent worked for Ukrainian civic organizations and community enterprises. After the war a small number of Ukrainians started up their own businesses and private enterprises. Some Ukrainians were professionals (doctors, dentists, engineers, lawyers, teachers, professors, etc).
Most Ukrainians in West Germany (67 percent) were Byzantine Catholics, a third (31 percent) were Orthodox, and 2 percent belonged to other denominations. In 1948 the Catholics had 39 communities and 151 priests, the Orthodox had 38 communities and 99 priests, and the Evangelicals had 17 communities and 19 ministers. By 1949, the number had declined to 21 Catholic communities and 48 priests, 23 Orthodox communities and 52 priests, and 12 Evangelical communities and 12 ministers. In 1980, there were 21 Catholic communities ministered to by 26 priests and 20 Orthodox communities with 10 priests. The Ukrainian Catholic church in Germany became an exarchate in 1959. Headed initially by Bishop Platon Kornyliak (who was later succeeded by Bishop Michael Hrynchyshyn), in the mid 1980s it consisted of four deaneries with about 13,000 faithful. The Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox church (UAOC) was headed by Metropolitan Nykanor Abramovych, who was later succeeded by Archbishop O. Ivaniuk and Archbishop Anatolii Dubliansky. The administrator of the UAOC in Germany was Archpresbyter P. Dubytsky. A part of the Orthodox faithful belong to the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church (Conciliar).
In the immediate postwar period, there were five institutions of higher education—the Ukrainian Free University, the Ukrainian Technical and Husbandry Institute, the Ukrainian Higher School of Economics (1945–51), the Theological Academy of the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox church in Munich, and the Ukrainian Catholic Theological Seminary in Hirschberg (1946–9)—with a total of 1,270 students and 314 professors/lecturers. With the departure of most of the Ukrainians the network of Ukrainian schools fell apart, and Saturday schools were created to provide children with a Ukrainian education. The latter are supervised by the Central Representation of the Ukrainian Emigration in Germany, an umbrella civic body created in 1945. The number of Ukrainian schools and nursery schools has decreased: in 1955 there were 41 Saturday schools and 24 nursery schools, but in 1970 there were only 20 and 3 respectively.
From 1945 to 1951, the Ukrainians’ civic, cultural, professional, and political activity was very dynamic. They had 41 organizations with 638 local branches and 58,000 members; 44 publishing houses, which issued 147 periodicals and over 700 books; 31 orchestras and bands, 60 choirs, and 54 amateur theatrical groups. Among the professional groups were the theatrical troupes directed by Volodymyr Blavatsky and Yosyp Hirniak, the choirs conducted by Nestor Horodovenko and Volodymyr Bozhyk, and the Ukrainian Bandurist Chorus directed by Hryhorii Kytasty. Various professional and co-operative associations also existed. Artists, musicians, and writers had their own organizations, the most prominent being MUR—the Artistic Ukrainian Movement. There was also the Ukrainian Journalists' Association Abroad. The 2,300 students in 1947 were members of well-organized, active Ukrainian student communities, and from 1946 to 1952 the Central Union of Ukrainian Students had its headquarters in Munich. The scholarly Ukrainian Free Academy of Sciences and the Shevchenko Scientific Society were based in Germany for a few years after the war until most of their members were resettled.
Since the Second World War, Munich has been the center not only of Ukrainian cultural, scholarly, and civic activity, but also of most of the Ukrainian émigré political organizations in Germany, such as the Ukrainian National Council, the Government-in-exile of the Ukrainian National Republic, and the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations. The OUN leaders Stepan Bandera and Lev Rebet were killed by Soviet agents while living in Munich. Since the war several Ukrainian publishing houses have been located in Germany: Suchasnist, Ukrainske Vydavnytstvo (Munich), Logos, Dniprova Khvylia, Verlag Ukraine of the German-Ukrainian Society, Molode Zhyttia, Khrystyianskyi Holos, the Mykhailo Orest Institute of Literature, Na Hori, and Ukrainski Visti. Together, in the years 1951–80 they published some 220 titles.
Two Ukrainian weeklies—Shliakh peremohy and Khrystyians’kyi holos—the monthly journal Suchasnist’, and the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox church quarterly Ridna tserkva appeared in Germany. The newspapers Meta (Munich) and Ukraïns’ki visti were transferred to the United States. Such periodicals as Ukraïns’ka trybuna, Suchasna Ukraïna, Ukraïns’kyi samostiinyk, Vpered (Munich), Ukraïns’kyi zbirnyk and Ukrainian Review of the Institute for the Study of the USSR, Digest of the Soviet Ukrainian Press, and Ukraïna i svit (Hannover) have ceased publication.
Various civic, cultural, religious, youth, and student organizations have existed in West Germany after the Second World War. All of the organizations have been constituent members of the Central Representation of the Ukrainian Emigration in Germany. Some scholars who remained in West Germany have taught at universities: Dmytro Chyzhevsky at Heidelberg, Oleksa Horbach at Frankfurt, Yurii Blokhyn, Andrii Bilynsky, Hanna Nakonechna, and M. Antokhii at Munich, D. Zlepko at Bonn, and Bohdan Osadchuk at the Free University of Berlin. Several Ukrainians systematically provided the German press with information about Ukraine and the Ukrainians: the Sovietologists Borys Levytsky and Osadchuk, and the literary specialist and translator Anna Halyna Horbach.
Many other émigrés who remained in Germany have left their mark in the life of the Ukrainian community in many spheres—in politics: Andrii Livytsky and Mykola Livytsky, Stepan Baran, Isaak Mazepa, Stepan Vytvytsky, Spyrydon Dovhal, Ivan Bahriany, Yaroslav Stetsko and Slava Stetsko, Lev Rebet and Dariia Rebet, Bohdan Kordiuk, Dmytro Andriievsky, Osyp Boidunyk, Mykola Kapustiansky, Volodymyr Dolenko, Fedir Pigido, and Yakiv Makovetsky; in scholarship: Ivan Mirchuk, Yurii Paneiko, Vasyl Oreletsky, Yurii Blokhyn, Volodymyr Yaniv, Borys Krupnytsky, Nataliia Polonska-Vasylenko, Pavlo Zaitsev, Yevhen Glovinsky, Yurii Studynsky, Mykhailo Miller, Petro Kurinny, Oleksa Horbach, Panas Fedenko, Ivan Hrynokh, M. Hotsii, H. Vaskovych, and Z. Sokoliuk at the Ukrainian Free University, and Borys Ivanytsky, Petro Savytsky, Rostyslav Yendyk, M. Korzhan, Ivan Maistrenko, and Atanas Figol at the Ukrainian Technical and Husbandry Institute; in literature and literary scholarship: Mykhailo Orest, Emma Andiievska, Ihor Kostetsky, Ivan Koshelivets, Ihor Kachurovsky, Volodymyr Derzhavyn, and Ostap Hrytsai; in art: Hryhorii Kruk, V. Vardashko, Volodymyr Strelnikov, and Vitalii Sazonov; in journalism: Zenon Pelensky, Volodymyr Stakhiv, Myron Konovalets, Myroslav Styranka, Anna Halyna Horbach, Volodymyr Maruniak, and Hryhorii Prokopchuk; in social-cultural work: Yuliian Pavlykovsky, Vasyl Pliushch, A. Melnyk, V. Didovych, Stepan Mechnyk, I. Zheguts, V. Lenyk, and Yu. Kovalchuk.
The generation of Ukrainians raised in Germany after the Second World War has by and large been assimilated by its host society. Many individuals can no longer speak Ukrainian and take no part in community life. This process has particularly affected the offspring of mixed marriages and individuals living in cities where there was no organized community.
Germans who have contributed to the field of Ukrainian studies in the postwar period include Georg Stadtmüller, E. Koschmieder, A. Schmaus, H. Rheinfelder, N. Lobkowicz, Johannes Madey, T. Rhode, L. Müller, F. Heyer, G. Horn, E. Völkl, H. Glassl, and B. Gröschel in West Germany; and Eduard Winter, E. Reissner, B. Widera, L. Richter, and M. Wegner in East Germany.
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[This article was updated in 1995.]